Post by account_disabled on Mar 6, 2024 7:22:09 GMT
On the Coast a wide variety of local political chiefs moved freely between the traditional conservative parties and the Citizen Revolution while the local mountain and Amazonian chiefs stayed away. In the Ecuadorian Sierra the electorate is not only more linked to more active and selfmanaged family and community networks but also the public intervention of Correismo was less attractive.
The emphasis on building infrastructure in a region that already had it attracted above all the emerging more vulnerable middle classes who were able to access public services previously absent. It attracted much less to the consolidated middle classes and the Russia Mobile Number List impoverished groups for whom the situation changed very little. Structural poverty figures remained unchanged especially in the deeply marginalized indigenous and rural areas of the Sierra and the Amazon. follows on average the social lines of this demarcation the sectors of the emerging vulnerable middle classes vote for Correismo but it has much less impact among the upper middle classes and among the poorest.
These last two social sectors also have a greater tradition of participation organization and autonomous management of their own problems and more actively reject personalistic authoritarianism. And it is difficult to find today a more patriarchally authoritarian political figure than Rafael Correa. In short in the Sierra and the Amazon the material benefits achieved with the expansion of state services during the prosperous years of Correism are not enough to compensate for the combination of authoritarianism and corruption that is associated with their governments.
The emphasis on building infrastructure in a region that already had it attracted above all the emerging more vulnerable middle classes who were able to access public services previously absent. It attracted much less to the consolidated middle classes and the Russia Mobile Number List impoverished groups for whom the situation changed very little. Structural poverty figures remained unchanged especially in the deeply marginalized indigenous and rural areas of the Sierra and the Amazon. follows on average the social lines of this demarcation the sectors of the emerging vulnerable middle classes vote for Correismo but it has much less impact among the upper middle classes and among the poorest.
These last two social sectors also have a greater tradition of participation organization and autonomous management of their own problems and more actively reject personalistic authoritarianism. And it is difficult to find today a more patriarchally authoritarian political figure than Rafael Correa. In short in the Sierra and the Amazon the material benefits achieved with the expansion of state services during the prosperous years of Correism are not enough to compensate for the combination of authoritarianism and corruption that is associated with their governments.